Thursday, October 27, 2011

Errors in print and eBooks

Actually, I read a statistic once that said *most* print books have at least a few errors as well. I've gone through traditiona­lly classic books before with a red pen and found spelling errors...I­'ve also gone through textbooks and found errors. They're incredibly common. People just do notice much sometimes much more.
There are numerous symbols used in spelling these words - not letters but symbols like on the shift level of a keyboard. It's odd, but I don't have any trouble understand­ing the context of the sentence. Actually, it adds to the exoticness of the book's local.

I've downloaded hundreds of books - free and purchased - onto my Kindle and have noticed some errors. But I personally don't think it's a big deal. This is a fairly new technology and there are bound to be problems. I think most people can overlook them and still enjoy the book they are reading.

I just paid to have Kindle at Amazon format and e-publish my novel, and the first thing I noticed was that if a new paragraph starts at the top of the page, it loses its indentatio­n. When I commented to Kindle service reps about this problem, I was given a snooty reply that "on the rare occasions" when this glitch happens, it doesn't interfere with the pleasure of reading on Kindle. Rare occasions? Try every freaking time a new paragraph starts at the top of the page! If the Kindle is having this technologi­cal glitch, then the device/for­matting shouldn't have been released to the public until it was fixed.

As for the big traditiona­l publishers proofing, I find mistakes all the time in their books. I just started a major non-fictio­n book published by Simon and Schuster, and I found two typos in the first 10 pages. Even I proofed my own book with higher standards. If I miss it, I expect the publisher to find it a correct the error or errors.

Monday, October 17, 2011

Blacks are Leaving

CHICAGO — Nearly seven decades ago, James Middleton was just a toddler when he watched a white man shoot and kill a black man in the little town of Lambert, Mississippi.
He had tagged along with his father to run errands and, giddy with excitement, sat in his daddy's Ford as they pulled up to a local restaurant. There was a commotion out front —a family friend arguing with the eatery's white owner, who had a pistol in his hand.
"You nigger!" Middleton recalls the white man shouting. "I'll kill you!"
The friend ran. Gunshots followed.
"I looked down and I could see this man, still trying to breathe, and blood was coming out of his chest," says Middleton. "I don't like to remember bad things. But it seemed like bad things were always happening to black folks."
Middleton's baptism in Southern violence was a consequence of being black at a time and place of cradle-to-grave segregation and senseless death. The specter of violence and inequality that his family endured eventually drove them more than 600 miles north to Chicago, making them a ripple in the wave of millions of blacks who fled the South in search of a better life.
They moved into a little place on Chicago's West Side with other working-class blacks. (The South Side, he said, was reserved for the more well-to-do and professional set). They joined a network of relatives, friends and other migrants.
The Middletons were among an estimated six million blacks to flee the South between 1915 and 1970, to northern cities like Chicago, Philadelphia, New York City, Detroit and Los Angeles in the west. They found work on automobile assembly lines or in manufacturing plants and factories in the industrial North. They laid roots, raised families and gave their children opportunities that many could never have imagined for themselves back home.
But today, generations later, amid higher costs of living, concerns over crime and what many perceive as too few job opportunities in those same cities, African Americans are returning to the South in the largest numbers since the first Great Migration, according to sociologists and those who have studied the new migration. During the 1940s, roughly 1.5 million blacks migrated to the North. Between 2000 and 2010, an estimated 1,336,097 blacks moved to seven major southern cities alone, according to the Brookings Institute, which compiled the most recent data from the U.S. Census.
THE NEW DEMOGRAPHICS
Former magnets for black migrants, including Illinois, Michigan, New York and California, all have had black population declines. Atlanta has even overtaken Chicago as the city with the second-largest black population behind New York City. The black population in Atlanta has grown in the past decade by 473,493. In Dallas it grew by 233,890, and in Houston by 214,928 over the same period. Today, 57 percent of the country's black population lives in the South, a 50-year high, according to the most recent census data.
Today's migrants are chasing the same things their forebears sought decades earlier, according to those who have studied the return migration. Others are retiring or returning to familial homesteads, reclaiming land their relatives never let loose.
"There are places like Harlem that no longer have majority black populations because many of the black folks who have lived there for the last 50 or so years have decided to cash in, and they are going to live somewhere more affordable, places that don't come with the urban baggage that maybe we didn't ever want but put up with because this was our best chance at a solid economic future," said Khalil Muhammad, director of the Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, part of the New York Public Library and renowned for its collections of historic artifacts. "Those people are going to places that look just the way they want them to look. They are not going to be shackled by a political nationalism or the segregation of the past."
Meanwhile, Chicago has lost about 181,000 African Americans over the past decade, a drop of 17 percent. Many have fled to the Chicago suburbs. But to a greater extent, who is leaving and where they're going is difficult to determine, according to demographers. But Brookings Institute reports that these new migrants tend to be financially stable and more educated. Many are students, professionals or retirees.
James Middleton, who is 72, and his wife of 53 years, Barbara, have a grown son, now living in Houston, and a granddaughter in Chicago who is considering moving to the South or West, they say -- an indicator of just how much less promise many see in what was once the "promised land" of the North.
"At that time there wasn't a lot of differences between there and here, in terms of the way people took care of their families," Middleton says of Chicago when he first arrived. "It was simple. We stayed with relatives, and other relatives had relatives, so you were always around people that was concerned about you."
"It was a vast difference between how things are today and how things were then," he adds. "Then it was like that saying, it took a village to raise a child. Everyone chipped in, whether they were neighbors or not. Now the professionals, the school teachers ... they are trying to get away."
THE END OF EXILE
During the summers of her youth, Sherry Williams and her siblings relished the trips back "home" from Chicago to Inverness, Miss., where they ran free and spent lazy summer days by the local fishing hole, living, if only for a few weeks, an idyllic country life.
Those connections still run deep in Williams' family and in other families whose roots stretch back to the South.
"For the most part, most of the people who I know that have started to return to the South, their mindset is that they never were Chicagoans," says Williams, 51, who was born in Chicago but whose mother left Inverness in 1942. "They physically lived here, but really, they truly believe the South is home, and that this is just the place that they moved to seeking work and absolutely for the opportunity to vote, attend better schools and just better themselves."
She said that many of the children of those migrants found themselves financially strapped. "But back home, the family has always had that land, that 'heir property' that many people find themselves going to," Williams says. Her family still owns a home and some land in Mississippi, which a revolving cast of cousins has occupied off and on.
Williams' daughter, Joi Tucker, 20, a third-year student at Alcorn State in Lorman, Miss., said she chose to leave Chicago because life is "definitely a lot easier" in the South. She said she plans on staying there after she graduates to attend graduate school and find work there. She says she's "courting" Alabama, Tennessee and Atlanta.
"It's kind of like a sci-fi movie," Tucker says. "You go home and see people just disappearing."
"AIN'T GOING BACK"
Quinn Chapel A.M.E church is Chicago's oldest black congregation. During the Civil War era it played a pivotal role in the abolitionist movement and Underground Railroad. On a recent afternoon, more than a dozen men and women, many with graying hair, met for Bible study. Many were born in the South, in Mississippi, Georgia or Tennessee.
"Oh, I've seen the change, people moving back," says Dorothy Cunningham, 83, who was raised in Memphis but moved to Chicago with her family when she was 13.
Her church has seen its ranks dwindle amid generational and geographic shifts, as well as the closing of nearby public housing complexes. Cunningham has spoken with family or friends, and she says that they've told her that one downside to moving South is culture shock for the younger children and teens unused to the social mores and the slower pace of life there.
Still, while many African Americans have opted to return "home" to the South, there are still some who intend to stay in the North. They say they have left the Old South behind, and they're unconvinced the New South has much more to offer.
"I left a long time ago," says Mack Sevier, owner of Uncle John's Barbecue, a little no-table joint on the south side of the city. Sevier moved from Augusta, Ark., on May 18, 1962, the day he graduated from high school. "I ain't going back," he says.
Sevier says he found exactly what he was looking for: the opportunity to be his own boss. He occasionally goes back down South, he says, usually to pick up favorite foods, like the southern-grown sweet potatoes he uses to make his pies.
Bronzeville is a South Side neighborhood in Chicago that historians cite as the city's first black neighborhood, founded by former and fugitives slaves in the 1840s. On an unseasonably warm evening recently on Martin Luther King Jr. Drive, Arlander Wade, 63, stood on the sidewalk outside of his recently purchased condo in one of the area's huge, historic "gray stone" homes.
He pointed across the street to a parking lot where the Regal Theater once stood, a place where jazz and blues greats once sang or played. The street, running through the heart of historic Bronzeville, once was Grand Boulevard, a gem in the black community and home to people like Robert S. Abbott, the founder of the Chicago Defender, Daniel Hale Williams, one of the nation's first black surgeons, and Oscar Stanton De Priest, the first post-Reconstruction African American elected to Congress.
"It took me 63 years, but I finally made it to Grand Boulevard," says Wade, a retired postal worker whose mother was born in Georgia, his father in New Jersey. "I don't know why people are going. All these young people are moving because they don't know what they have right here. They are hoping for something better, but what they're running from, they're running to. Everyone they saw on 43rd Street last week will be waiting for them in Atlanta by the time they get there. They can have that. I finally made it."

Huffington Post

Saturday, October 8, 2011

Unemployed and Other

Unemployment has been stuck near 9 percent since the recession ended more than two years ago. The jobs report for September on Friday sent the clearest signal to date that the crisis will last through next year's elections.
The pain isn't confined to the 14 million officially unemployed Americans. Among those hurt by today's 9.1 percent jobless rate are people forced to work only part-time and those who've given up looking for work in frustration.
Count many people with jobs, too. Their pay, home values and employment prospects have been diminished by the lack of good-paying, full-time work. Include, too, communities where services have been slashed, small businesses struggling with weak sales and young adults who can't find jobs to repay student loans.
The ailing job market is both a symptom and a cause of troubles elsewhere in the economy – from a depressed housing market to cash-short governments to sluggish consumer spending.
Here's a look at the wide-ranging consequences of chronically weak job growth.
___
WAGES:
A crippled labor market shifts bargaining power to employers. Workers have little leverage to seek raises. When adjusted for inflation, pay was nearly 2 percent less in August than it was a year earlier, according to the Labor Department.
"People are much more compliant and willing to take extra work assignments because they're afraid," says Carl Van Horn of Rutgers University's Center for Workforce Development.
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Wednesday, October 5, 2011

Protesting Wall Street

Occupy Wall Street has captured the imagination and passion of millions of Americans who have lost hope that our nation’s policymakers are speaking for them. We support the protesters in their determination to hold Wall Street accountable and create good jobs. We are proud that today on Wall Street, bus drivers, painters, nurses and utility workers are joining students and homeowners, the unemployed and the underemployed to call for fundamental change. Across America, working people are turning out with their friends and neighbors in parks, congregations and union halls to express their frustration – and anger -- about our country’s staggering wealth gap, the lack of work for people who want to work and the corrupting of our politics by business and financial elites. The people who do the work to keep our great country running are being robbed not only of income, but of a voice. It is time for all of us—the 99 percent—to be heard.

As we did when we marched on Wall Street last year, working people call on corporations, big banks, and the financial industry to do their part to create good jobs, stop foreclosures and pay their fair share of taxes.
We will open our union halls and community centers as well as our arms and our hearts to those with the courage to stand up and demand a better America.
Wall Street and corporate America must invest in America: Big corporations should invest some of the $2 trillion in cash they have on hand, and use it to create good jobs. And the banks themselves should be making credit more accessible to small businesses, instead of parking almost $1 trillion at the Federal Reserve. Stop foreclosures: Banks should write down the 14 million mortgages that are underwater and stop the more than 10 million pending foreclosures to stop the downward spiral of our housing markets and inject more than $70 billion into our economy.
Fund education and jobs by taxing financial speculation: A tiny tax on financial transactions could raise hundreds of billions in revenue that could fund education and create jobs rebuilding our country. And it would discourage speculation and encourage long term investment.

Sunday, October 2, 2011

The Left of Obama

President Obama is learning the hard way that you can't please all of your fans all of the time.

After riding a wave of liberal support into the White House three years ago, Obama has found that some of those same supporters are now among his most vocal critics.

In recent weeks, the president has been attacked by environmentalists over a clean-air rule; by Hispanic advocates over aggressive deportations; by labor unions over looming trade deals; by Jewish groups over Israel's borders; and by the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC) over soaring unemployment among African Americans.

Hardly apologetic, Obama has met the critics head on, telling them to "shake it off" and "stop crying." But the tough-love strategy could backfire, political experts warn, if it alienates the liberal base that will be vital to the president's reelection chances next year.

"The Left’s criticism and/or disenchantment with Obama is real and serious," Michael Mezey, political scientist at DuPaul University, said in an email. "Many of his actions (or inactions) have disappointed a large segment of the base and has provoked more than a little grumbling from those quarters. … Obama does need to make amends and he has started to do that, at least rhetorically."

Ross Baker, political scientist at Rutgers University, sounded a similar cautionary note.

"The president's problem with his base is not desertion or defection but demobilization," Baker said in an email. "No serious observer believes that Massachusetts liberals with PhDs would vote for Rick Perry or even Mitt Romney" – the leading GOP presidential contenders – "but they can exercise their right to stay home on election day.

"This is a nightmare grounded in reality," Baker added, "because that is what happened in 2008, especially with younger voters and African Americans."

Every president has trouble with his base, the experts note. In 1992, for instance, many Republicans frustrated with President George H.W. Bush "voted for Ross Perot and got Bill Clinton," former-Rep. Tony Coelho (D-Calif.), a one-time majority whip who served as campaign chairman for Al Gore’s 2000 presidential run, told The Hill.

But the sheer number of liberal factions – combined with Obama's campaign vows to appease practically all of them – have forced the president to manage a level of supporter discontent that the younger President Bush never had to.

Most Republicans didn't grumble, for instance, when George W. Bush tapped Americans' phones without a warrant. And there was no Tea Party mobilization when Vice President Dick Cheney said "deficits don't matter." Instead, conservatives largely held their tongues and reserved their fire for the Democrats.

"Karl Rove always advised Bush to keep the base happy and the Administration never did anything to alienate the base," Mezey said. "They didn’t compromise on tax cuts, consistently protected guns, never wavered on abortion, and, of course, their response to 9/11 and the Iraq adventure fit their worldview."

Julian Zelizer, political historian at Princeton University, agreed, arguing that Obama is still in search of a singular defining issue he can tap to energize his base.

"What Bush had going then was national security as a unifying rallying point – he had something – and I don't think Obama has that something," Zelizer said. "It's hard to counteract the frustration."

Obama this year has made a number of moves unpopular with the liberals who came out for him in droves in 2008.

Earlier this month, for instance, the president shocked political observers when he asked the Environmental Protection Agency to scrap its plans for stricter rules on smog-forming ozone – standards strongly opposed by Republicans and business leaders, who consider them a job-killer.

The move drew howls from environmentalists, who accused the president of caving on campaign vows to let science – not politics – dictate his policy initiatives.

Erich Pica, president of Friends of the Earth Action, said Friday that, with moves like that, Obama "runs the risk of depressing the vote" in 2012. Even those who do go to the polls, Pica warned, might be too discouraged to take the extra steps – like donating money or knocking on doors – needed to win national elections.

"He hasn't been willing to really fight on environmental issues," Pica told The Hill. "I'm hearing from a lot of donors that they're really ambivalent right now. They may vote for him, but that may be all he gets out of them."

On labor issues, Obama has ruffled some liberal feathers by endorsing free-trade agreements with Colombia, Panama and South Korea. On Monday, AFL-CIO President Richard Trumka – one of Obama's most influential backers – sent the president a letter opposing the Colombia deal over that country's history of anti-union violence.

Trumka's message was not subtle: Attached were the names of 22 union leaders who have been killed in Colombia's labor wars.

Black lawmakers have also expressed frustration with Obama's handling of the struggling economy. Last month, for instance, CBC leaders wondered aloud why Obama's Midwestern jobs tour skipped over the urban areas hit hardest by the Great Recession. The lawmakers say they support the president fervently, but want to see him fighting harder for the Democrats' policy priorities – particularly when it comes to battling unemployment among African Americans.

“We love the president. We want him to be successful,” Rep. Maxine Waters (D-Calif.) said earlier this month. “But does he feel our pain? Does he understand what's going on out here?”

Complicating life for Obama, GOP leaders – particularly those in the Senate – have adopted a strategy of opposing the White House even on some legislation Republicans support. Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.), for instance, raised eyebrows at the start of the deficit-reduction debate when he helped kill a bipartisan bill – a proposal he'd previously characterized as the “best way to address the [budget] crisis” – after Obama endorsed it.

"The single most important thing we want to achieve is for President Obama to be a one-term president," McConnell told National Journal last year.

The GOP's rigidity has forced Obama to the right in order to pass anything through Congress, which in turn has only heightened the backlash from the left.

In July, after Obama had signaled his willingness to compromise with GOP leaders and scale back benefits under Medicare, Medicaid and Social Security, the Progressive Change Campaign Committee, a liberal activist group, launched a campaign encouraging liberals to withhold financial and volunteer support for the president in 2012 if he stood behind those changes. The group gathered 200,000 signatures, which were delivered to Obama's campaign headquarters in Chicago. 

Some liberal lawmakers have even gone so far as to suggest that a Democratic primary challenge would be good for Obama.